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ULFA, Naxals join hands, courtesy ISI December 30, 2004

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Manjula Bhattacharya

Guwahati, December 29

The Centre and Governments of Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh are worried over the reported move by the Pakistan-based ISI to combine the activities of North-East-based militant outfits, like ULFA, Bangladesh-based Harkat-ul-Muzahiddin and Naxalites in the country.

Highly placed sources in the Central Intelligence Department, corroborated by state intelligence here, disclosed that of late the ISI had been trying, to correlate the activities of Naxales as well as ULFA and Harkat -ul-Muzahiddin in order to pose both external and internal threat to India for an effective bargain on the Jammu and Kashmir issue.

It may be noted that the state government here was alerted by the Centre a few days ago about the links between ULFA and the Harkat-ul-Muzahiddin where 50 Muzahiddin activists were reportedly hired by ULFA to organise violence in different parts of Assam

Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhatacharjee recently expressed concern over the growing ISI activities in north Bengal and the patronage extended to it by neighbouring Bangladesh, on helping the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) backed by ULFA.

After joining hands, the People’s War Group (PWG) and the Maoist Communist Party (MCC) have already developed links with the Maoist Communist Party of Nepal to coordinate their activities to create a “compact revolutionary zone” from Nepal via West Bengal through north Bengal in Siliguri and stretched till Andhra Pradesh through Orissa.

http://www.sulekha.com/news/nhc.aspx?cid=411087

DIVINE RETRIBUTION: DIWALI NIGHT TO CHRISTMAS MORNING December 29, 2004

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N.S Rajaram

(Multi Discliplinary Scholar)

A Hindu saint was arrested on the holy night of Deepavali by ‘their’ (meaning Christian) leader Sonia Gandhi, and the gods expressed their anger by wreaking havoc on the morning after Chrismas day, at a time were churches were full.

This is the creeping fear that is spreading through Christian communities in South India, many of which are concentrated along the coast.

This surprising report came to me not from any Hindu group or activist but an NRI physician and social worker originally from Goa who was in India for the Christmas holidays. Dr Vincent Prabhu, a Konkani Christian, visited me a couple of days after the catostrophe. He was stunned by the scale of the tragedy but particularly distressed that the tidal waves struck at a time when Christians were attending church in large numbers on the morning of the Sunday after Christmas. So the victims included a disproportionately large number of Christians.

Then he said something that I was totally unprepared for: he and many Christians believed that it was divine retribution for arresting the Kanchi Shankaracharya on the holy night of Diwali and his subsequent humiliating treatment.

Of course it makes no scientific sense– the first was a human act, the latter the result of nature’s fury unleasehed. But my friend, like so many Konkani Christians still held on to his ancestral beliefs like the karma theory.

But my ‘scientific’ explanation cut no ice with him. He also pointed out that it was not just the arrest instigated by their ‘leader’ Sonia Gandhi, but the subsequent behavior of Christian leaders who gloated over the Shankaracharya’s arrest and took out processions supporting it. This made the gods (Dr Prabhu used the plural) angry.

He made another point: “Scientist like you may laugh at this, but go and try explaining it to the thousands of victims.”

Whatever the reality, politicians and church officials — practically one and the same — have a major task on their hands. Perhaps this is why Sonia Gandhi asked Manmohan Singh to cancel his visit and decided to go herself– and also hog the publicity limelight and pose as a saint

___________________________________

COMMENT BY ANOTHER PERSON WHO LIVES IN CHENNAI

Friends, the follwoing to think about:

1. The tsunami has been attributed to the quake in the ocean off

sumatra setting off tidal waves.

2. these tidal waves travelling at a speed as tho propelled by a

jetengine can reach chennai coast in a matter of 3 hrs.

3. there is no history of tidal waves in chennai altho we have known

storms, cyclones, hurricanes and flood.

4. now i live on the coast. in this locality there are three temples

of significance: one shiva temple which was built after the Kanchi

Paramacharya directed one of his bhaktas to ‘look’ for a swayambhu

sivalingam which Pujya Paramacharya said ought to be enshrined and a

temple built. (Kanchi mutt)

5. After i moved into this part of chennai in 1974, Kanchi

Paramacharya once again directed a temple to Mahavishu with ashta

lakshmi be built right bang on the shore. Pujya Paramacharya

concestrated the temple. later when he was talking to bhaktas he said

he had asked for the temple to be built on that spot to protect that

locality from the fury of the sea!

6. right at the extreme end of Besant nagar and on the coast again is

the new ‘Arupadai veedu” Murugan temple consecrated by both Kanchi

Acharyas three years ago.

7. Now the worst devastation in chennai ocurred between the light

house and the harbour, on the marina where the san thome cathedral

stands. the waves have travelled over 2000 feet beyond the shore,

crossed the santhome main road and entered the office of the DGP!

8. But adjacent to this stretch are the shores of adyar and besant

nagar. no loss of life, no damage to property. just some water into

huts! i stood on the shore near the Ashtalakshmi temple and on other

parts of the shore at the height of the calamity trying to rescue wet

and drowning animals and i cld see how the waves were behaving. they

would rise menacingly slam against the sands and then retreat meekly.

9. it is amazing that tidal waves travelling from sumatra upto the

santhome marina coast causing death everywhere should bypass Besant

Nagar so completely. i have no secualr answers to this one. i have any

number of communal answers tho. and the first being this is divine

retribution for what J did to the Kanchi mutt. and this is

Paramacharya’s way of giving J her comeuppance.

Shamless Naxals to Study Veerappan’s Guerrilla Methods December 26, 2004

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Volume 5, No. 11-12, November-December 2004

[We are printing this press release given the significance of the Veerapan phenomena. Later we will produce a more detailed analysis of this. The media portray him only as a criminal, while there are far bigger criminals in the corridors of power, where Veerapan’s wealth would not even be a small fraction of what these establishment criminals (like CM Jayalalita) have amassed. Their main concern was that the government and forest officials could not corner the vast wealth in these forest. But, more on this later — Editor]

Press Statement

Veerappan’s Killing Appears Stage-Managed!

Veerappan’s Guerrilla Methods and Implications on Future Police and Maoist Tactics

The death of Veerappan on 18 October says many things.

The circumstances in which he died point to the fact that it was not a real but a stage-managed encounter. As the Jayalalitha and Dharam Singh governments answer and dodge probing questions, it will become increasingly clear that the encounter was a murky affair.

Ruling class sections and top police brass wanted him dead than alive. If Veerappan was alive and provided a fair trial he would have continued to threaten top politicians and senior bureaucrats of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. By killing him, these utterly corrupt and criminal elements, have saved their skin. The ruling classes of the two states have preferred a visibly fishy operation to eliminate him rather than face the embarrassment of a live Veerappan spilling the beans by addressing the people from a courtroom pulpit.

The suspicious encounter of Paparapatti in Dharmapuri, TN, tells that police are not bound by law. They are a law unto themselves. And, the more specialised a police force gets, the more it integrates with the top political leadership and the more brutal and murderous it can get in the elimination of its adversaries.

This is the most apparent and immediate fact that emerges from the so-called Veerappan encounter.

But that is not all.

The death of Veerappan and his leading associates has other serious implications too.

Veerappan operated in expansive jungle terrain. He compelled the Karnataka and TN state governments to allocate up to 4,000 police forces during peak periods and a regular combined force of about 2,000 during periods of “normality” in operations to eliminate him. The Karnataka Special Task Force (STF) of more than 1,000 personnel was trained and formed in the course of the state government’s armed operations against him. All police reports and the versions of those kidnapped and released by him establish that he adopted a guerrilla mode for his sustenance. Hence the most important instruction for the Karnataka government in the two decades of anti-Veerappan operations has been the experience it has provided the STF in specialising in counter-guerrilla operations in a vast jungle terrain.

A part of the new Rapid Action Force (RAF) to take on Maoist revolutionaries in the Malnad has been formed with handpicked personnel who have also had anti-Veerappan field experience. This is an advantage for the enemy.

In 2001 the CPI (Maoist) [formerly CPI (ML) (People’s War)] commenced its activity in the Perspective Area (PA) by organising the peasantry on their social, economic and political demands. The state government was pressed by the need to concentrate its forces in two different forest pockets separated mutually by a distance of about 300 kms. This was an additional strain on the police. The presence of Veerappan served the objective division of the state government’s specialised forces and was in this sense advantageous to revolutionaries. But with the elimination of Veerappan and the subsequent withdrawal of STF from south Malnad now, the state government has the advantage of concentrating its special forces in one pocket.

The inability of the state government to capture or kill Veerappan led it to making a deal with the murderous Israeli secret service agency Mossad in 2003. Like its counterparts in Andhra Pradesh, the Karnataka government will continue to develop closer counter-revolutionary links with the Israeli state in the days to come to deal with the revolutionary struggle and any popular democratic movement.

The death of Veerappan therefore broadens the smile of Chief Minister Dharam Singh. He and the police coterie at the top are doubly happy. With Veerappan gone, they presume they can eliminate the Maoist revolutionary movement much sooner than they envisaged.

Despite some apparent advantages for the government, a correct reading of the Veerappan experience will prove that the reality can continue to be disturbing for the enemy.

Veerappan relied on the support of a narrow section of people. But CPI (Maoist) revolutionaries rely on the broad masses of the people. Despite certain similarities in the mode of guerrilla operations with Veerappan, guerrilla units of the PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army) differ widely from Veerappan since they rely entirely on the masses. They organise them in struggles against the landlords and the state on their social, economic and political demands. Maoists build mass organisations, party units and militia units among the people. We educate and train the people by continuously learning from their rich practice to undertake the New Democratic Revolution. While Veerappan had no social mission, Maoist guerrillas have lofty social objectives. We are guided by the revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and we imbue the people with revolutionary politics and activise them in order that they realize and play their role as the movers and makers of history. Revolutionaries grow from small to big and from weak to strong as they engage the masses in the social struggle against oppressors more and more. Advanced elements from the masses identify and join the ranks of revolutionaries. This is very much unlike Veerappan who by himself had no potential for growth.

Maoists imbed themselves deep in the hearts of the masses. In this sense they are like fish in water. Maoists mobilise the people to fight Hindu fascism, untouchability and the hated caste system, against patriarchal oppression of women and for the liberation of the oppressed nationalities. To undertake a counter-insurgency operation against a Veerappan and against Maoist guerrilla units which rely on the masses and mobilise them for the establishment of revolutionary political power and a liberating democratic alternative are two entirely different matters. This will be the first and foremost difference and the first and foremost challenge before the armed forces of Dharam Singh. This is something the Karnataka police will in future only hopelessly contend with.

Veerappan sustained himself for two decades without a revolutionary mass base. He did so by not only combating the 4,000 strong STF units of Karnataka and TN, he also overcame simultaneous operations of the central para-military forces such as the BSF and CRPF. In the course of his armed presence, he also effectively retaliated against the central and state forces, while neutralising informers intermittently. This is the biggest instruction to Maoist revolutionaries. If Veerappan with all his characteristics, could manage to sustain himself for two long decades, the armed forces of the CPI (Maoist) which has rich experience in organising the people in class struggle and conducting guerrilla warfare from the forests and plains of Dandakaranya, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkand or Bihar can confidently surpass and overcome the advantages that have resulted for the enemy from Veerappan’s death. Besides, Veerapan is just a local phenomena while the Maoist armed struggles are part of not only an all-India movement, but and international movement — getting all-India and international support.

The PA today covers territory which is as vast as the area in which Veerappan operated. While it took two state governments and a commitment of up to 4,000 forces to conduct anti-Veerappan operations, the Karnataka state government has to now manage comparable forces single handed to fight Maoist revolutionaries. This is an obvious disadvantage for DGP Borkar’s police.

Though Veerappan started off as a bandit, the fact that he fought and sustained himself against the state for two long decades is instructive for Naxalite revolutionaries. The brightest illustration of the Veerappan phenomenon, despite some immediate advantages it poses to the Karnataka police, is the fact that a guerrilla mode of existence can sustain a small and weak force against the might and the thousands of highly trained and well equipped forces of the centre and the states.

Veerappan was finally killed not as an armed guerrilla in the jungle, of which he was master. He died in terrain and conditions that were new and strange to him. In this sense though Veerappan is dead, the mode of guerrilla existence which he introduced into the annals of Karnataka’s current history is instructive and lives beyond him.

Gangadhar

For Karnataka State Committee

Communist Party of India (Maoist)

20 October 2004

Source : http://www.peoplesmarch.com/archives/2004/nov-dec2k4/Veerappan.htm

Maoist revolutionaries against US and India Counter Insurgency Training — REASON read it and have Fun December 26, 2004

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Indian Soil Used for Counter-insurgency Training!

Do the Parliamentary Left Oppose Military Training of the U.S. and Other Armies?

In a report that appeared in the October 3, 2004 issue of The Statesman it said:

“Some 120 Km. from the Mizoram capital of Aizal the training school tucked away somewhere amid thousands of hectares in the vicinity is probably like no other in the world. The army’s Counter Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School operates. The Six Week training schedule is rigorous and includes raiding terrorist hideouts, fending for oneself in unfriendly situations, honing firing skills against unconventional targets, rescuing hostage and mastering the art of intervention.

The Counter Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School has been training armed forces and police personnel. Already over 300,000 personnel from countries that include the USA, Nepal, Iraq, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Afganistan learned to live by the school’s motto: fight the guerrilla like a guerrilla. Brigadier Ponwar says the main objective involves training in the latest technology to combat terrorism.

With the 9/11 attacks armies around the world have been to reorient their fighting forces in learning how to fight unconventional wars.

In March this year, US soldiers enrolled for jungle warfare training – the first joint infantry exercise between the two countries. This proved a unique opportunity for the Americans because the “USA does not have a jungle warfare school”, says Brigadier Ponwar “And we also learnt many things from the US troops. Our trainers went to Israel and other countries and that’s how we’ve come to know about their expertise”, he added.

The Counter Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School is now planning ahead to meet the challenges of modern day counter-insurgency operations in both rural and urban areas.”

It is very clear from this that the US and Indian forces are more closely collaborating to crush revolutionary movements in this region. This training course in not only target against the Maoist and nationality movements in India, but also the movements like the CPN(Maoist) in Nepal and other armed struggles in Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. The school produces assassains, killers, murderers amd the most ruthless counter-revolutionary forces on the region. The US involvement in such training amounts to direct military intervention of foreign forces in our country. But all the parliamentary riff-raff are silent. The people must vehement oppose the presence of foreign troops on Indian soil .

___________________

CPI (ML)(PW) and MCCI – Merged ,Communist Party of India (Maoist) Emerged December 26, 2004

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Press statement:

CPI (ML)(PW) and MCCI – Merged

Communist Party of India (Maoist) Emerged

On Sept. 21, 2004, amidst the thick forests in some part of India, the formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) was declared at a public meeting before an assembly of peoples’ guerrilla fighters, party activists and activists of mass organisations. The two parties, the Maoist Communist Centre of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)[People’s War] were merged to form the new unified Party, the CPI(Maoist). However, this merger declaration has been withheld from the media for security reasons and is now being released to the entire people of our country and the world. The formation of this new Party has fulfilled the desires and aspirations of the oppressed masses of the country for a genuine proletarian party that can lead them to revolutionary change for the establishment of a new democratic society, advancing towards socialism and communism.

This unified party has been formed after thoroughgoing discussions held between the high level delegations of the two parties initially and then finalized by the Joint Central Committee meeting of both the parties. Through these thorough-going and constructive discussions, held on an equal footing, five documents have been drafted and finalized. These documents are: Hold High the Bright Red Banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the Party Programme, Strategy and Tactics of the Indian Revolution, the Political Resolution on the International and Domestic Situation and the Party Constitution.

In addition to these documents it has also been decided that our beloved leaders and teachers of the respective parties, the late Com. Charu Mazumdar and Com. Kanai Chatterjee, will be recognized and highlighted as the founding leaders of the unified party. It was also decided that both these parties, stemming from the turbulent period of the decade of the 60’s, particularly from the great Naxalbari uprising, livingly inherited all that was revolutionary in the long history of the Indian communist movement. The peculiarity of the situation is that both these parties continued to flow as two separate streams of the revolutionary communist movement, wedded to the same cause of carrying forward the Indian revolution over the past 35 years. All these steps taken together clearly disclosed a unified understanding on almost all ideological and political questions of line. The line established provided a principled basis for the unity achieved by both the parties.

Basing on this unity the Joint Central Committee meeting finally resolved to unite the two parties into a single unified party, which will henceforth be called as the Communist party of India (Maoist). Com. Ganapati was unanimously elected as the general secretary of the new party.

The formation of the unified Communist Party of India (Maoist) will certainly prove to be a new milestone in the history of the communist movement of India. A unified Maoist party based on MLM continued to be a long and highly cherished need of the revolutionary minded and oppressed people of the country including all our ranks, and also all Maoist forces of South Asia and internationally. Today this long-cherished desire and dream has been transformed into a reality.

The new Communist Party of India (Maoist) will continue to act as a consolidated political vanguard of the Indian proletariat. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will be the ideological basis guiding its thinking in all the spheres of its activities. It will continue its struggle against right and left deviations, particularly against revisionism, by taking this as the main danger for the communist movement as a whole. It will still seek to unite all genuine Maoist groups that remain outside this unified Party.

The immediate aim and programme of the Maoist party is to carry on and complete the already ongoing and advancing New Democratic Revolution in India as a part of the world proletarian revolution by overthrowing the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under the neo-colonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control. This revolution will remain directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. This revolution will be carried out and completed through armed agrarian revolutionary war, i.e. protracted people’s war with the armed seizure of power remaining as its central and principal task, encircling the cities from the countryside and thereby finally capturing them. Hence the countryside as well as the PPW (Protracted People’s War) will remain as the “center of gravity” of the party’s work, while urban work will be complimentary to it.

Since armed struggle will remain as the highest and main form of struggle and the army as the main form of organization of this revolution, hence it will continue to play a decisive role, whereas the UF will be built in the course of armed struggle and for the seizure of power through armed struggle. Mass organizations and mass struggles are necessary and indispensable but their purpose is to serve the war.

We also hereby declare that the two guerilla armies of the CPI(ML)[PW] and MCCI—the PGA and the PLGA—have been merged into the unified PLGA (Peoples’ Liberation Guerrilla Army). Hereafter, the most urgent task i.e. principal task of the party is to develop the unified PLGA into a full-fledged People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and transforming the existing Guerrilla Zones into Base Areas, thereby advancing wave upon wave towards completing the New Democratic Revolution. The formation day of the PLGA is to be December 2, the day when a people’s army was formed for the first time ever in our country in 2000, on the first anniversary of the martyrdom of the three CCMs, com. Shyam, Mahesh and Murali.

Apart from this the unified party will continue to pay added attention to building a new wave of revolutionary mass movements on various political and other issues of the people. It will involve all the vast sections of the masses in these struggle directed against imperialism, feudalism and the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. The vicious imperialist offensive on our country has resulted in mass destitution of an already impoverished people, particularly in the countryside, which has even witnessed thousands of suicides. The CPI(Maoist) will mobilize vast sections of the masses against the growing onslaught of the imperialists on the country, against state repression together with mobilizing support for all the movements directed against imperialism and feudalism.

The new party will also continue to support the struggle of the nationalities for self-determination including their right to secession and condemn the brutal state repression on these movements. It will pay special attention in mobilizing and organizing the women masses as a mighty force of the revolution, and will fight against all other forms of social oppression, particularly untouchability and casteism. It will continue to expose, isolate and defeat the more dangerous Hindu fascist forces, while exposing all other fundamentalist forces. It will continue to do so while keeping the edge of the people’s struggles directed against the new Congress rulers in Delhi along with the CPI/CPM and their imperialist chieftains.

It will continue to expose and resist the expansionist designs of the Indian ruling classes along with their imperialist chieftains, particularly the US imperialists. It will more actively stand by the side of the Nepali people led by the CPN(Maoist), and vehemently oppose the Indian expansionists and US imperialists from intervening in Nepal with their military might. It will also continue to support the people’s war led by the Maoist parties in Peru, the Philippines, Turkey and elsewhere. It will continue to support all people’s struggles directed against imperialism and reaction. It will also support the working class movement and other people’s movements the world over. It will continue to stand by the side of the Iraqi and Afghan people in their mighty struggle against the US imperialist-led aggression and occupation.

The Unified Party will continue to hold high the banner of proletarian internationalism and will continue to contribute more forcefully in uniting the genuine Maoist forces at the international level. Besides, it will also establish unity with the oppressed people and nations of the whole world and continue to fight shoulder to shoulder with them in advancing the world proletarian revolution against imperialism and their lackeys, thereby paving the way towards realizing socialism and then Communism on a world scale.

Thousands of our martyrs have laid down their valuable lives for these lofty aims. The Central Committee (Provisional) of the unified Party-CPI (Maoist) — pledges that it will continue to advance along the path illuminated by them and thereby mobilize all its existing and latent energies in transforming the dreams of the martyrs into a reality.

With revolutionary greetings,

General Secretary General Secretary

Central Committee Central Committee

Maoist Communist Centre of India CPI (M-L)[People’s War]

Date: 14-10-2004

SOURCE : http://www.peoplesmarch.com/archives/2004/nov-dec2k4/Merged.htm

How To Fight CPM’s Iron Heel In West Bengal?– NAXALS December 26, 2004

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How To Fight CPM’s Iron Heel In West Bengal?

Unite Revolutionaries And Advance People’s War

— Sukanta

Volume 3, No. 10, October 2002

http://www.peoplesmarch.com/archives/2002/oct2k2/suppli.htm

The CPM long-back left Marxism and turned into a revisionist Party. Naxalbari had already proved this. The history of the CPM is the history of reform on the one hand and suppression of peoples struggles on the other. Donning the Social-democratic attire, it shows its real face of social fascism in the villages. Since the peasant struggle has been taking roots in Midnapore, the CPM came out in its true colours and unleashed a reign of terror to suppress the movement in the rudimentary stage itself.

CPM’s Iron heel

The State’s iron heel has shown its claws in Midnapore since July 5th. The West Bengal’s high-level police officials, assisted by Midnapore’s district police machinery, the EFR, RAF and BAF, carried out extensive raids in Kolkata city and its sub-urban areas. There was widespread condemnation from all sections for this brutal attack. Seeing this unexpected democratic voice, unheard of since the 1970s, the CPM’s leadership, sitting at its official building in Alamuddin Street, felt the ground below their feet shaking. For the first time the CPM government felt threatened. Closely following this entire process through TV channels, print media and leaflets taken out by various parties and organisations on these developments, the people of West Bengal started to decide which side they should take.

Between 8th to 28th July the CPM state secretariat issued two important circulars, which attracted people’s attention and exposed the CPM’s class character. After seeing that all parties and organisations including its partners in the LF like the RSP, FB and CPI began condemning the CPM’s leadership and the police machinery under it, saying that these indiscriminate attacks and midnight raids remind them of the 1970s, a section of the CPM opened its voice and condemned the attacks. And immediately after this the CPM issued an order through a circular saying that any open statement criticising the policies adopted by the Chief Minister, by his government and the official policies of the CPM should be stopped. They also issued another circular as part of its tactics to fight the CPI(ML)People’s War and MCC activities in the state. The important aspects in this circular were:

* Keep Vigilance on People’s War’ cadre and sympathiser’s movements

* Inform the police immediately about any information they get about People’s War

* Keep the police in front and guide them from behind.

These orders would clearly expose the role of CPM cadre as police informers. Buddhadeb avowedly declared to intensify the repression. In the name of developmental activities, he has taken up expansion of roads to facilitate fast mobilization of his forces into the struggle areas. A bridge sanctioned on the Kashavati river in the first five-year plan has not been constructed in the past fifty years. But now Buddhadeb sanctioned funds for this bridge’s construction. Work is being taken up on a war footing. This bridge will reduce the distance by 22 KMs for the police forces in reaching PW areas. This clearly reflects the anti-people policies and forms of suppression implemented by the state.

Farce of Talks

After the indiscriminate arrests of people in Kolkata alleging them to have links with the People’s War’s agrarian movement in Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia districts, the CPM got isolated. To create illusions in the people about its democratic character, as the governments at AP and various other states including the central government, the West Bengal government tried to use the card of dialogue. On the one hand, while describing the People’s War sans any political ideology which believes only in the politics of individual violence, on the other hand the CPM government offered talks with the People’s War. The PW immediately responded to this and laid down four conditions as part of creating a conducive atmosphere for talks. With this the CPM was thrown onto the defensive and started making statements that their cadre and leadership are not carrying any weapons and no weapons are stored in its party offices. The Bengal people, political parties — both parliamentary and non-parliamentary — who are aware of the facts laughed at their statements. The media clearly ridiculed this. In the mean time the West Bengal State Committee of the PW issued another statement declaring that talks would be possible only when the false cases on the arrested people are withdrawn, police raids are stopped and police camps are lifted from villages. In an interview to the press on 22nd August the secretary once again made the party stand on talks clear. He categorically said that there is no question of talks without the prisoners being released, cases against them withdrawn and the combined attacks of police and CPM stopped.

In fact the drama of talks is not a new one. For West Bengal people, it is the second time. In March 1971, the then President while addressing the joint session of Parliament said “The government is determined to root out lawlessness and eliminate political murders.” And referring to the elections recently held in West Bengal, he said that people have once again reposed their faith in democracy. Later on 21st July, Mr K C Pant, who was the then Minister of State for Home talking in the Lok Sabha said “…the government is willing to have a dialogue with Naxalites.” He further added “It is the responsibility of all of us to carry on such dialogue and help them to see the path of reason and restore their belief in the democratic process”.

The offer for talks is nothing but a part of the tactics adopted by imperialism throughout the world. These tactics are part of the Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) strategy. And West Bengal Marxists are no exception to this and more over they are more cunning opportunists and capable of using it more effectively by staying behind the garb of “progressiveness” and “Marxism”.

Two Lines and Two Paths:

Naxalbari had drawn a demarcating line between the CPI (M) and CPI (ML). It separated the two lines. Until now the CPI (M) is managing its time by taking the name of revolution. It condemned the Naxalbari line as extremism and individual terrorism and described it as a struggle without any mass base. Since its formation in 1965 the CPM has been saying that the situation is not ripe enough for revolution. In their party program they still maintain that revolution can’t come through the parliamentary line and revolt is the only path for revolution. But they are directly ruling West Bengal for the past 25 years. And prior to this they were part of the United Front government. Starting with revisionism they gradually matured into ruling class elements degenerating into social fascists. In the past 25 years, their administration, their political line, their practice and policies became anti-people and turned West Bengal into an erupting volcano. Now a spark is enough to create wild fire in the state. That is why the CPM is afraid of even its shadow. They are unable to digest the fact that the words like revolution, Naxalbari, People’s War, which are synonyms in West Bengal have come onto the agenda once again. They can’t escape from falling into the grave they themselves dug.

The shortcomings in ML parties

After the setback of Naxalbari, especially in the post-Emergency period, struggles have been advanced in the AP, Bihar and Dandakaranya areas. New tactics were developed in the light of the general policy evolved in Naxalbari. But in West Bengal a rightist trend developed saying that these tactics were not applicable for the concrete conditions prevailing in Bengal and revolutionary struggle can’t be advanced here. Due to a lack of confidence in the leadership, an attitude of not making independent study based on Marxism, Leninism and Maoism, hesitation to break the limitations imposed by the leadership in methods and policies, and preparations required for a revolutionary party to advance the revolution were completely absent. These weaknesses were conveniently exploited by the CPM. So, without breaking this rightist political practice prevailing for such a long period, without keeping away from sectarianism and ultra-leftism and without facing the CPM’s politics and muscle power, the movement can’t be advanced in West Bengal.

There is a significant change in the political situation since the late 1960s and the present. Now the class character of the two parties is different. — on both the people’s side and the ruling classes side. One is practicing Marxism, while the other is standing with imperialism and suppressing and exploiting the people in the name of Marxism. These two can’t resolve their contradiction without fighting each other. Antagonistic contradiction is the primary aspect between the two. However, the CPM still has the capability to deceive people in the name of Marxism. Even now it has a sizable base in the working class. Hence one can advance the movement in West Bengal only by not losing the initiative in both political and military fields. The CPM and BJP are more armed than the other political parliamentary parties in the state. They have large numbers of lumpen characters in their cadre. But there is a section amongst the CPM, which sincerely believe in their party politics and are not associated with power. Hence the forces waging People’s War would have to make efforts to win over the sincere sections through political and mass struggles. In a region where active armed struggle was dropped under the influence of three decades of rightist deviation, and where the armed struggle has been discarded for all these years, the movement can’t be advanced without making the required preparations, without preparing for all sacrifices while fighting with the fascist forces and without making relentless efforts in all the three fields of ideological, political and military preparations.

Intensification of Repression in the midst of People’s Resistance

During the May 2002 elections the CPM-TMC fought bitterly for power. First in 1998, the TMC-BJP combine started their fight with the CPM not through elections but with muscle power and gained at the beginning, forcing the CPM to run away. In this situation, the May elections became prestigious for the CPM and posed a serious challenge to its 25 year- rule. So, the CPM made all efforts and succeeded in converting the election results in its favour. First it was Siddhartha Ray, later it was Jyoti Basu and now it is Buddhadeb that consolidated their rule with the help of their unchallenged hold on the administrative and police machinery. The dictatorship of the Congress led to its fall in 1977. And now the CPM’s 25 year’s (1977-2002) rule has brought the people into struggles.

However the ML movement, which split into a number of factions couldn’t utilize the situation in 1977. Utilizing the peoples’ anger against the Congress, the CPM came to power. But now the movement under the leadership of the CPI(ML)(People’s War), MCC and other revolutionary forces has changed the scene.

Renewal of struggle in strategic areas

Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia are backward districts. Though the movement was started in this region as early as the 1970s under the leadership of the CPI(ML), it couldn’t be advanced due to wrong tactics adopted by the leadership. The MCC Party initially kept these three districts under the leadership of the Bihar movement and made some basic work in these areas. But the Bengal leadership of that party couldn’t make any efforts in building the movement as, like the other ML parties, their political line went in a right deviation, and they finally separated from the MCC in 2001 and formed their own group. From 1995, the erstwhile People’s War started preparatory work in the border areas of the three states to develop it into a guerrilla zone and after that into a base area. It faced many obstacles and limitations in the beginning but it overcame them and made progress in the area. In this process the MCC also increased its concentration in this area and organised some mass struggles. Until now these two parties are working in this area independently. But the struggle in Midnapore, under the leadership of CPI(ML)(People’s War), has particularly attracted the people’s attention.

The forest regions are strategically very important especially when contradictions are sharp, and the vanguard forces would have to take the initiative by deploying revolutionary forces there. According to this principle the People’s War concentrated in Gorbeta since the latter part of 1998 and took the initiative in organising people. In this region the TMC-BJP combine on the one hand, and the CPM on the other have created an explosive-like situation, where there was no value for people’s lives and no protection for their properties. In such a situation the People’s War stood by the people and diffused the tension in the area by weakening the TMC-BJP combine. The CPM forces which couldn’t withstand the attacks from TMC-BJP forces ran away from the scene. Utilising the advantage of the People’s War’s efforts to weaken the TMC-BJP combine, the CPM reorganised its forces and started attacking the TMC-BJP. Starting from Gorbeta, they regained all their earlier position in Keshavapur, Hooghly and Bankura. This was the situation in 2000.

With the objective of the complete elimination of all its enemies, the CPM concentrated its armed forces (Vahinis) on the CPI(ML)(People’s War) and other revolutionary organizations. Anticipating opposition from the People’s War during the elections it planned to eliminate the People’s War from that area before the elections and created white terror in the area. During this period, on 4th January 2001, as part of this white terror, the CPM burnt alive five People’s War squad members while the remaining comrades, who were also in the house, managed to escape. During this period the CPM’s armed vahinis were in the forefront in all the attacks.

Determined to resist, the People’s War repulsed these attacks. One such resistance took place in Jaipur village. The CPM’s motor cycle vahini lead this attack. Fierce firing took place between the two forces and the CPM’s forces suffered serious injuries. They ran away from the scene and were soon replaced by a 500 strong contingent of the EFR, RAF and Bengal Special Armed Forces. They cordoned off the entire area and started combing throughout the night. But, the squad safely retreated from the area breaking the enemy’s net. And in this way the orders from Alamuddin street to the Midnapore district CPM office for eliminating the squad were foiled by people’s co-operation and the swiftness of the guerrillas.

After this incident, the CPM’s armed gangs made similar attacks 3-4 times in the Salbani area, but had to retreat because of people’s resistance. In all these incidents the people strongly stood with the People’s War. With their support, the People’s War carried out a few attacks in Gorbeta and Salbani areas in July 2001 and punished some key CPM leaders. During this period the CPM deployed police forces on a large scale and carried out indiscriminate raids on PW villagers and their opponent parliamentary parties. As a result, the election results went in favour of the CPM.

Starting with this, the deployment of police and paramilitary forces continued to rise in this area. However, large scale attacks did not directly target the people and was, as yet, only confined to a demonstration of strength and of threatening the people. And during this period i.e. from July 2001 to November 2001, the people in Salbani, Belpahad, Gualapur, Sareys, Panchamur, Ramgarh, Rayapur, Sarenga and other places moved and fought on various issues. During this period, they defied police repression. They questioned the CPM leadership in the presence of the police. However, struggles were organised in one village after the other, and continued against the anti-people policies of the CPM. And simultaneously, propaganda and people’s mobilisation was also done, to some extent, on political issues. But, the time available for the PW was only 2 to 3 months. The Party utilized this period for consolidating the mass organisation and armed forces. And succeeded in rallying the people behind it.

With the intention of not allowing the situation to continue in this direction, and shake their bases, the CPM turned to suppression utilising its armed gangs (Vahini) during the December 2000-June 2001 period. As these efforts failed, it deployed the state and central armed forces, and carried out two campaigns between October 2001 and April 2002.

Methods adopted in these campaigns:

1. The police which earlier used 15-20 vehicles at a time, suddenly increased them to 105. They surrounded particular areas from all sides to carry out combing operations.

2. From June 2001 more than 400 persons belonging to various fields, particularly peasants, were arrested and false cases were put on them. The Marxists have been planning to implicate them under POCA and keep them in prison for a long time and destroy their families.

3. After carrying out propaganda that the threat from the PW has increased, the government deployed large number of forces in many areas, and provided them with automatic weapons, fortified police stations, and modernised equipment. Centralisation too was increased:

* Now they even started coming on foot

* Use of CPM cadres as informers increased.

* Directions from Alamuddin Street and other district and local CPM offices to the police considerably increased.

* The attack which was so far confined to Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia was now extended to Kolkata and its surrounding areas and Birbhum and Burdwan districts.

4. They dispersed the state’s special police force 5th Battalion at Durgapur and sent 300 police to each of the three districts. And by using the infrastructure available at Durgapur, the government started fresh recruitment for an Indian Reserve battalion from locals. They concentrated their long-term preparations on the training and mobilisation of forces recruited here, to send to the struggle areas by the middle of 2003.

5. All the propaganda material and literature relating to the PW and MCC parties and their mass organisations became banned literature. Arrests increased on this pretext. In the “Marxist” rule even Marx’s Capital became, defacto, banned literature. In the past two months whenever leaflets or posters were seen in the name of PW, raids were increased.

6. Harassing the relatives and women in the houses. The objective of these raids on houses was to terrorise them and pressurise them not to cooperate with the PW.

7. We have already mentioned the circular issued by the CPM. Their method of using their cadres as police informers and attacking the democratic rights of the people by keeping vigil on them reminds us of the centuries old feudal forms of repression. This method is not new. It is a very old technique of the CPM to scuttle its opposition.

8. The CPMs armed gangs (Sayudha Vahini), including Local committee members and Zonal committee members, are involved in unprecedented massacres conducted openly with arms. And the CPM offices in the struggle areas became centres of strategic planning and arms mobilization. In the prevailing situation it was impossible to distinguish between the plans of the state forces and the CPM forces. Now the Marxists require police bodyguards for moving amongst the people.

9.Continuing mid-night raids, taking people by tying their hands and legs and applying third degree methods on the arrested people. Extending this repression to TMC and BJP members branding them as People’s War activists became a common tactic. This is being done to ensure the victory of the CPM in the forth coming village panchayat elections.

10. Regular raids on about 200 villages where People’s War and MCC are actively working and occasional raids on a number of other villages.

11. High level police officials of Midnapore, Bankura, Purulia and Hoogley districts and West Bengal, Jharkhand and Orissa state officials are regularly meeting. Their frequency has further increased in the past six months. Apart from the meetings of 9 states in the JOC, West Bengal police officials are in regular contact with AP police officials.

12. Verifying the records and maintaining vigil on the present and past activists and sympathisers of the ML movement and now also maintaining records of those who are suspected to be in touch with the People’s War.

13, Forces with anti-insurgency training and special training from the AP Greyhound forces are deployed in the strategic areas. It was also decided to use helicopters as a support to the combing operations.

14. Com.Subhash fought heroically after falling into the hands of police, who shot him. This is the beginning of false encounters.

15. When all the parties in the LF – CPI, RSB, FB etc, and also the TMC, Congress and ML parties, individuals, progressive people have been conde-mning the CPM in one voice, saying that the present repression reminds them of the repression of the1970s, the Marxist government has intensified its all out war against the People’s War.

Iron Heel extended from South Bengal to North Bengal

In Nadia and Malda areas of North Bengal, the erstwhile PU has been working for a very long time. Since the beginning of July 2002 up to the end of August the nature of indiscriminate terror by government forces has increased. The Iron heel was extended from Midnapore to the Nadia Murshidabad- Malda area, covering Kolkata in between.

Since July 2002, police repression started to increase in Nadia-Murshirabad and Malda areas. They call the mass organisational leaders and activists to the police stations and threaten them to stop their activities. They started maintaining vigil on the movements of activists and leaders of the mass organisations. The Nadia police openly declared they are watching the movements of 32 persons belonging to the People’s War. After posters were printed in the name of the party – supporting the movement in MDP and other districts, deployment in every village began.

During the second week of August 2002 in Bochadanga village in Murshidabad district under Navda police station the police arrested one RSF female comrade, Shampa, and another two mass organisation activists Shankar and Ajit and severely tortured them. The lecturers and students of Gurudas college where Shampa was studying vehemently condemned this arrest. Shampa’s parents have been actively associated with revolutionary politics. They courageously declared that there is nothing wrong in believing in revolutionary politics and their daughter should not be treated as a criminal just because she was associated with revolutionary politics. These arrests were condemned by every one right from the RSP district leadership to the APDR. The LF partners, RSP, openly declared that not allowing the mass organisations to function, even though the party is not banned, is no different from the repression of the 1970s.

Apart from these arrests about 25 more people were arrested in Nakashipur of Nadia district and Navada of Murshidabad on August 26th. At the time of writing this report TV channels have been extensively showing these arrests. And the interesting point here is that objectionable material found with the arrested activists are not the pamphlets and literature of mass organisations but the literature and pamphlets of mass organisations of other parties. This is the nature of “socialism” implemented by the Bengal Marxists in the name of Marxism.

The people of Nadia, Murshidabad and Malda, who have a long experience of struggle, will not only withstand this repression but will, no doubt, defeat it. This region has densely populated plain areas. Only when the revolutionaries comprehensively take-up the task of raising people’s political consciousness and organise the people to resist the enemy, the People’s War in the plain areas can advance. Then only can it effectively fight the enemy’s iron heel and help people retain the political and military initiative. Now, there is need to concentrate in preparing the people politically and making preparations for the struggle in the midst of repression. While intensifying the People’s War in South and North Bengal there is need to study the differences in the objective conditions in the background of the geographical conditions. From the very beginning there is need to make long term preparations without drifting into either right deviation or left adventurism.

From the time that the erstwhile People’s War started its political activity in West Bengal the demarcation and polarisation of political parties started in West Bengal. First, this polaristion took place within the ML parties to some extent. Those who wanted to be on the side of struggle have joined the People’s War party. This has led to the establisment of the People’s War party political line in Bengal and the BOB border areas.

Later, the armed squads got some opportunity, in the early days, to carry out political propaganda in the people and in mobilising them in the backward areas, in those areas where the CPM is relatively week, like Belpahari, Gwalatore, Lalgarh, Ramgarh etc. In the Gorbeta region there was significant change in the situation within two months.

It is a fact that struggle cannot be started in all areas in Bengal in the traditional manner. And, similarly it is also a fact that the CPM, TMC, BJP and Congress will intensify their attack whenever any revolutionary party tries to create a mass base for itself. And as the social priests of the CPM are in power it was necessary to prepare the revolutionary forces theoretically, politically, organizationally and militarily from the very beginning.

In this background, the People’s War party has made a clear brake with the prevailing rightist understanding, realising the necessity of arming the people only in the process of the anti-feudal struggles, while building the mass organisations and carring on the political struggles. In the ripened political conditions, the PW had to enter each village only by fighting the TMC-BJP-CPM parties. The CPM party which is now shouting from the roof tops that it is the only political party which has done political struggle in the past 25 years; the question arises as to, with what political interest did it consolidate its base and how much Marxism did they give the people. Besides the people, even the CPM party activists are not provided with basic Marxism. What all they received from the party were knives, guns and mafia agents. Their role has been like pawns in the internal fights of leaders and grabbing whatever is available. They have nothing to do with the fight against exploitation.

Until now the land problem is a major issue. There is no sufficient land and the available land is fragmented into small holdings. About the land reforms in West Bengal, which are greatly boasted about by the LF, the Times of India has published a report on 18.8.2002 under the heading – “Land reforms is a myth in Bengal”. It wrote “After 25 years in power, the LF in West Bengal has managed to redistribute only about 15% of the net arable land in the state”. Moreover a substantial section has lost land due to eviction and “other reasons”.

According to the information received from the state government land reforms department, recently — 3.02% of Bargadars lost land and 13% patta holders in the state had been disposed of patta land “due to various reasons”.

Leaving this aside, in total Bengal except for a few backward regions, land was distributed on a party basis. This division was not on a class basis, but on that of muscle-power. Shifting of loyalty from one party to the other, depending on their relative muscle power, has been taking place since the past few years. The TMC grew in this way. And hence there is no change in the character of these parties. All of them are experts in piling up of arms, and to maintain supremacy through bloodshed, violence and murdering members of other parties has become a regular habit for them. However, the CPM is ahead of all others. The CPM has this habit of killing not only the opposite party activists but even activists of its allies like the CPI, RSP, FB and the SUCI, and also ML party activists and People’s War and MCC members.

According to an estimate between 1999-2001, 1013 people were killed in the conflicts between the CPM-TMC. These include their sympathisers.

All the parties in Bengal have condemned the police raids in Kolkata. And the attacks in MDP (Midnapore), Purelia- Bankura have been condemned by all — Jharkhand parties, ML parties, civil liberties organisations and intellectuals. Left front partners RSP, FB have condemned the raids carried out in Nadia- Mushidabad from August2nd week. However one should not forget that it becomes necessary for the parliamentary parties to condemn these police raids in view of the forth coming panchayat elections. These parties are not prepared to make the demands like withdrawal of forces from the villages and release of prisoners (though they are all aware that the CPM has framed false cases on them). As they are facing attacks from the CPM they are condemning the police repression to some extent. But, in the prevailing situation it is not sufficient. What is required now is a strong united struggle. This struggle should be centered around the issues of the release of prisoners, withdrawal of police forces and political struggles. And people’s basic problems should become primary.

Leaving this aside, the incidents of July-August 2002 have shaken the Bengali people. The fact that People’s War has brought armed struggle once again onto the agenda in Bengal has been accepted by the general masses. People throughout the state are gradually accepting and owning the 4-5 years of struggle in Midnapore and the People’s War party politics. This has clearly accelerated the process of political polarisation in the state. It tore away the CPM’s mask of “Marxism” and its “democratic character”.

This polarisation though, would have to continue more seriously and that too, strictly on class lines. For this, one would have to take the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism extensively into the masses, particularly amongst those who are active in politics. The CPI, CPM, RSP, FB, SUCI and various ML groups have interpreted Marxism in their own subjective way. The LF partners have completely distorted Marxism and confined the fighting spirit of the working classes and restricted it to Trade Union politics. And the ML parties have brought forward many excuses and different interpretations in applying MLM and for not intensifying the People’s War. The CPI, RSP and FB etc by remaining part of the left government are, in effect, supporting the oppressive and anti-people policies of the social fascist CPM. These parties can maintain their existence by coming out of the LF and standing on the people’s side. Just by expressing some dissent when some cruel incidents takes place, it is not possible for them to really fight the CPM. Though the RSP now and then make some statements to protect its self-esteem its leadership is not prepared to come out of the left front. And the anti-CPM front is not strong enough.

In the meanwhile it is natural that lower-level cadre of various parties are joining or supporting the People’s War and MCC parties. Without breaking the mobilisation by the various parties it is not possible for proper class mobilisation. For this the genuine Maoist Parties, like the PW and the MCC, would have to show the path of strengthening the Maoist movement, through extensive propaganda of revolutionary politics and consolidating the new forces into the party, army and united front.

It is a challenge to the intellectuals:

Seeing the mistakes of the past 25 years of left front rule a section of intellectuals adjusted with them and a section opposed them. Yet, all intellectuals have condemned the developments in July-August with one voice. And the CPM leadership, instead of accepting their criticism, began a counter attack. The CPM secretary openly threatened intellectuals. Budhadeb tried to suppress this opposition at any cost.

Instead of accepting its mistake in the arrest and torture of Professor Ganguly and release him, the CPM framed more false cases and harassed him. With this incident the CPM got completely isolated in academic circles and faced opposition from all sides. Here are some incidents which show the opposition to the CPM (see August issue for earlier details):

The University academic staff unions in more than 15 colleges have been continuing their agitation since July 2nd week.

In the West Bengal CUTA (West Bengal College and University Teacher’s Association) the CPM became isolated and its leadership had to leave one of its meetings. But it some how managed to manipulate the resolutions in its favour in the subsequent meeting.

Large number of left intellectuals in Bengal (writers, artists and from various other fields) have condemned the CPM.

Every year the CPM conducts a memorial meeting for the victims of the Barangar, Kashipur massacre of the 1970s. This year this meeting was held on August 12th. All the speakers in the meeting (except CPM) condemned the CPM attacks saying that the present attacks are no different from the Congress activities of the 1970s. The leadership of the CPM could not digest the fact that well known intellectuals condemned its actions from its own forum. Anil Biswas described this as a conspiracy to spoil the image of the Chief Minister, Budhadeb, and declared that his Party will not participate in any forum which criticises the government’s actions. How was the massacre at Angaria, carried out by the CPM, different from the Kashipur-Baranagar massacre of the 1970s? This year’s memorial meeting proved that the CPM, which is going in the same direction as the then Congress government has no right to hold such memorial meetings, commemorating the naxalite martyrs of the 1970s. .

ML parties’ Response

Various revolutionary and other mass organisations, ML parties, other parties and organisations, which have formed the Bandi Mukthi Committee carried out extensive propaganda by organising meetings and publishing literature. After a long time, ML and non-ML parties both formed a common platform and their respective forums organised various programs for the same objective. This time, the CPI (ML) Liberation instead of describing CPM and MCC as Anarchists and terrorists has condemned the police repression both from the common platforms and from its own forum. One should welcome the response from all these parties. But it is also required to make a critical analysis of the situation.

As the brutalities were so glaring, it was not possible for any party not to condemn the CPM actions of July/August. When the people are seriously considering to decide on which side they stand, and also when their own cadres are carefully observing the stand of their leadership, it became compulsory for these parties to condemn the CPM’s actions. Meanwhile many efforts were made from Alamuddin Street to weaken their opposition. They are:

*They forced the left front partners to tone down their criticism

*Indirectly threatened the press and intellectuals

*Realising that if the conditions laid down by the People’s War for talks are accepted the result will not be in its favour. The CPM started propaganda that People’s War believes only in the politics of violence. And it imposed counter conditions for talks.

*Continuous anti-People’s War propaganda from Ganashakti (CPM’s official daily) and other CPM papers.

*Almost regular attacks on People’s War by Anil Biswas and Binam Konar in their press briefings

*Efforts were made to split the ML parties and the joint programs. As part of this effort Anil Biswas met Liberation leaders and then came the joint statement of Anil Biswas and Kartik pal condemning People’s War as anarchist and terrorist organisation

*The Alamuddin Street leadership increased the frequency of their tour for mobilising CPM cadre and strengthening the armed gangs and for finalising the plans at local and zonal level for a campaign of combined attacks (CPM and police).

In fact today the ML parties would have to reorganise their activities in the light of the struggle insisted on by the CPM. Elections and people’s war are two different paths. The incidents from North Bengal to South Bengal are proving that the present objective conditions in Bengal are ripe enough for armed struggle. The important question before all is whether their ML partners which have participated in condemning the CPM are going to encash the advantage gained for the on-coming panchayat elections, or for building the Maoist movement. The Liberation party turned into a revisionist party and joined the parliamentary left. Even now there is a significant number of basic masses who are under its leadership in the Bihar – Jharkhand states. So also in Bengal, to some extent. Though, in the prevailing situation it was impossible to remain silent on the CPM’s atrocities, its leadership cleverly condemned the Kolkata arrests but did not talk about the attacks on villagers. And at the same time when Anil Biswas came to their office in Kolkata, it issued a joint statement with the CPM criticising the People’s War Party. Their party cadre should note this. Mao said “It is impossible to eliminate errors without experience and we must travel from inexperience to experience in a process”. The Liberation cadre should observe the present Bengal conditions and their Party’s revisionism and join hands in the struggle. And similarly all the ML Parties need to review the weaknesses in their practice. In fact in today’s conditions, the movement can’t advance without fighting against the CPM. However, this shouldn’t become the single agenda. People’s War would have to be intensified for the seizure of political power and various ML Parties should build armed struggles in their respective areas, and support the movement of MDP, Bankura, Purulia, Birbhum, Nadia, Murshidabad and Malda. Only when the Bengal units of these parties make active preparations for armed struggle, a strong unified revolutionary movement will be built in Bengal, which will advance together with the Maoist movements going on in the country.

For this, as part of the above preparations, there is urgent need for intensifying the People’s War and building the People’s Army to fight the CPM and other reactionary forces, as, without this it is not possible to advance even a single step forward. There is need to initiate armed struggle immediately without wasting any time. This is inconceivable without building a secret party, as it is only an underground leadership that can provide direct guidance to the armed struggle and intensify the People’s War.

By continuing the above program, there would be a simultaneous need for uniting the genuine ML groups, and in that process building a united party, which could lead to a qualitative change.

Activists in the revolutionary camp, including the PW, need a concrete study of Maoism, and how to apply it to intensify the peoples’ war, in order to take the revolutionary movement forward. As told by Mao, Communists must question every aspect, use their own brain, and think carefully whether it will fit into the reality or not.

In the present Bengal situation, the task of organising the people in strategic areas and move unitedly for building the guerrilla zones and base areas, is as important as fighting the suppression campaign continued by the CPM. One should be careful not to ignore this objective situation. Simultaneously, there is need for widespread mobilization of the revolutionary forces in the plain areas and even in the developed rural areas.

Conclusion

The CPM and its police machinery have decided to crush the PW and MCC on a war footing. In the name of checking the infiltration of Maoists from Nepal, and the supposed ISI, Al Quida terrorists from the North-East and Bangladesh, additional forces are being deployed in the state. In the name of supposed intelligence reports the “Marxist” government is whipping up a fear psychosis in the state. The CPM is openly saying that they can not reply to the armed struggle of the PW, MCC and KLO with Rasagullas and are going to fight this with arms to protect their cadres. In this way the CPM seeks to legitimise the combined attack of the CPM and police machinery.

The CPM is making all efforts to defame the PW and using any and every incident in its anti-PW propaganda. In one incident in Jomirgot village of Salbani area of Midnapur district a house wife, and an old woman were killed and a small girl seriously injured. The CPM attributed this incident to the PW and organised a huge procession with its armed squads and police forces. But the truth was, the husband himself planned to kill his wife with the help of CPM cadre. When the incident took place an old woman in the neighboring house and his daughter saw the killers. Afraid that they will reveal their names the killers attacked them. But, the small girl who survived, later revealed the names of the killer.

The 27th August newspapers reported the formation of the KLOKS (Kamatipuri Liberation organisation Kill squad) which would kill 5 KLO activists for every killing carried out by them. This vigilante organisation is nothing but a CPM creation. The CPM has formed armed gangs in the name of village volunteers in all villages where the revolutionary parties, SUCI and other parties are strong. All these gangs exist only to attack revolutionary movements and other democratic movements. These gangs are an important resource for social fascism. To continue the white terror amongst the people it is making serious efforts to legitimise its attacks.

In the 1970s black gangs of the Congress and police carried out mass killings in Kolkata and other areas and destroyed their families. But the movement and party which had considerably weakened by that time could not resist them effectively. By drawing lessons from the attacks at that time one can effectively resist the new attacks.

Revolutionary intellectuals and activists in Kolkata city can play an important role by going to the struggle areas and expose the true situation prevailing there, stand on the side of the people in their struggle, and thereby further strengthen peasant, workers, student and intellectual unity. It is only then that they would be able to fully understand peoples’ sufferings and the ruling class methods responsible for it. It is primarily their responsibility to tare away the democratic garb of the CPM and expose its social fascist character to the people and the world.

In fact, it is important to understand the class essence of the CPM, as a ruling-class party, representing comprador/semi-feudal interests. That is why they have been allowed in power for 25 years. Its ‘progressive’ demagogy is only a mask. When class contradictions sharpen, as they have recently in West Bengal, their true class essence comes out nakedly. Of late it is reported that the West Bengal CM has been cozying up with that worst fascist demagogue, Advani! In the present situation prevailing in West Bengal and the country, there is urgent need for all revolutionary, democratic and progressive forces to strongly condemn the CPM’s anti-PW, anti-democratic and anti-people actions in West Bengal and also expose their political opportunism in the country at lar

Naxalites sound fresh warning against CRPF and BSF December 26, 2004

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Naxalites sound fresh warning

Statesman News Service

MIDNAPORE, Dec. 26. 2004 — In a statement issued on 20 December, the Naxalites have made it clear that they do not have anything against tourism in the area as a large number of local residents, mostly tribals, depend on it. They said they had attacked the lodges at Kakrajhore in Belpahari, Midnapore West because they were used as BSF camps. Similar was the case with Odolchua High School where 300 CRPF personnel were putting up. They warned that if the CRPF and BSF personnel continue to put up at schools, they won’t hesitate to blow up the educational institutions once again. Warning was also sounded against the “corrupt” CPI-M leaders, read the statement, which was signed by Bikash, the secretary, Midnapore-Bankura-Purulia zonal committee of the CPI (Maoist).

The Naxalites have also criticised chief minister Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for branding them as “agents of jotedars”.

The chief minister had criticised the members of the outfit after they had ransacked the rented house of a contractor on 4 December at Kakrajhore in Belpahari, Midnapore West. The contractor was engaged to construct the 12.5-km road from Odolchua to Kakrajhore under the Prime Minister’s Gramin Sadak Yojana.

“What does the chief minister want to say? By constructing the road, will the government destroy the peoples’ revolutionary organisation and free the masses from the exploitative jotedars? Will that move usher in development in the area?” the statement said.

Once the road is constructed, police shall step up measures against the Naxalites, the statement read. “But this is self-contradictory and condemnable,” it said.

For, according to the CPI-M, there is hardly any jotedar left here as this is a “socialist” place. But, since Mr Bhattacharjee called them “agents of jotedars”, it means that jotedars are still there in the state, they said.

“There is hardly any difference between the politics of Dr Manmohan Singh and that of Mr Bhattacharjee,” the statement read.

The members of the outfit said that they would not have heckled the workers with the road construction if basic amenities such as irrigation, drinking water, health care and village roads were given priority rather than the Odolchua-Kakrajhore Road for which Rs 3 crore has been sanctioned. If the road was built later, it would not have affected the people.

They further said that if a proper network of irrigation sources has been installed, then the fields of Banspahari, Bholabheda and Simulpal gram panchayat areas would have produced better crop all round the year.

After the starvation deaths in Amlasole, the villagers submitted a memorandum to the Belpahari BDO on 14 June, asking him to take steps against it but to no avail. The extremist group pointed out that once the mobile medical services were stopped, health care system ceased to exist in the area.

With the recently installed-tubewell lying defunct for a few months, drinking water crisis persists across 10 villages in and around Odolchua.

They also said that unlike police, they do not harass the tourists. Earlier, police had heckled tourists, thinking they have connections with the Naxalites.

The Naxalites have asked the forest and tourist department to invite tourists and reopen their lodges in the area. The outfit members admitted that destroying the three tourists bungalows and youth welfare department at Kakrajhore have scared the visitors away.

_________________________________

There has of late been a perceptible

change in the CPI(M)’s stand vis-a-vis the extremists represented

by the newly formed CPI(Maoist) following a spurt in the latter’s

activities in some areas of backward districts like West

Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia. The Bengal Marxists, who used to

advocate a hardline against the extremist outfit and were in

favour of ruthless police action to tackle its activists, feel

there is an urgent need to undertake development work in the

affected areas to wean the villagers from the political control

of the extremists. There has been late realisation by the state

CPI(M) leadership that it will be impossible to deal with the

CPI(Maoist) by solely depending on police operations. The party

now admits that it is imperative to improve the poor villagers’

lot if it wants to politically fight “the menace.

The change in the ruling Marxists’ aggressive stance against the

extremist out came in the wake of the recent blasts at Kankrajhor

in West Midnapore, adjacent to Amlasol known for its “hunger

deaths.” Two forest bunglows and a road were badly damaged by the

blasts carried out by CPI(Maoist) activists. The operation has

not only affected the already low morale of the local CPI(M)

leaders who continue to be the extremist outfit’s prime targets,

but also brought to the fore the administration’s failure to

restore confidence among the villagers concerned.

A massive poster campaign by the CPI(Maoist) in Kolkata and some

other south Bengal districts following the Kankrajhor blasts has

also been a matter of concern for the state CPI(M) leadership

and prompted them to rethink their strategy regarding the

extremists. The posters, which appeared almost overnight on the

walls of some elite educational institutions like the Presidency

college and Hare school, have urged the people to become

“politically conscious against their class enemies.” The city

police have so far been clueless about the persons responsible

for the poster campaign, but are apparently convinced that the

outfit has a good number of sympathisers among the students and

youths who are disillusioned with the Left Front’s performance

during the past two and a half decades.

The change in the CPI(M)’s stand vis-a-vis the Maoists was

evident from chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s candid

admission yesterday that poverty and lack of development were

some of the root causes behind the current extremist movement

which has generated violence. Bhattacharjee, who had earlier

challenged the extremists active in the concerned areas to come

out in the open, also asserted that it was pointless to use only

force to meet their violent activities. Instead, he stressed the

need for “establishing closer contacts with the poor masses.” The

state police too now admit that the CPI(Maoist) wields

considerable influence on the poor people of the backward

districts. The change in the ruling party’s stand vis-a-vis the

extremist outfit is in sharp contrast with the strong-arm tactic

it had advocated earlier.

Bhattacharjee has also made it clear that the state government

has no intention to ban the outfit despite its current subversive

activities. The city police has decided to allow a central rally

of different extremist outfits to be held in the city on December

15 as scheduled, but will take all possible precautionary

measures to meet any eventual law and order problem.

According to informed sources, the ruling Marxists are more

concened over the increasing number of attacks on party leaders

by CPI(Maoist) activists. District CPI(M) leaders now can not

freely move in the affected areas without police escorts. Lack of

development and government initiative to improve the poor

villagers’ lot have made the concerned CPI(M) leaders politically

vulnerable to the extremists who have been exerting constant

pressure on them to quit the party.

Opposition parties, particularly Trinamul Congress, are also

trying to politically exploit the Marxists’ current predicament.

Trinamul Congress chairperson Mamata Banerjee raised the “hunger

deaths at Amlasol and other areas” in the Lok Sabha a couple of

days back and launched a scathing attack on the CPI(M)-led Bengal

government for its criminal indiffernce towards the “starving

villagers.” Leader of the opposition in the Assembly and Trinamul

Congress spokesman Pankaj Banerjee too felt that the villagers

were offering their tacit support to the extremists as the

government has failed to provide to them any means for survival.

“Let the CPI(M) and the government led by it work for their well-

being instead of targeting us and winning elections through

unfair means,” he observed.

AP mum on ceasefire; naxal peace talks threatened December 19, 2004

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Wednesday, December 15 2004 17:18 Hrs (IST) – World Time

Hyderabad: With Andhra Pradesh Government maintaining silence over extending the six-month ceasefire period that expires tomorrow (Dec 16, 2004), uncertainty looms large over the second round of peace talks with naxalites who have hardened their stand and threatened to launch a ‘counter-offensive campaign to resist police repression’.

A decision on extending ceasefire would be taken after consulting the Cabinet colleagues, Home Minister K Jana Reddy told reporters in Hyderabad when asked about the demand for extending the ceasefire.

The first phase of the direct talks between Maoists and the Congress Government were held in October during which both sides had kept aside the contentious arms issue and went ahead with the main agenda focussing on land reforms.

However, the Government is now insisting that naxalites give up arms to make the dialogue process meaningful while Maoist parties have firmly ruled out giving up armed struggle and accused the police of resuming combing operations and arrests.

Three top leaders of Communist Party of India-Maoist, including its State Secretary Ramakrishna, called upon their cadre to ‘resist police actions’ and accused the Government of violating all the provisions of ceasefire agreement and encouraging police to unleash repression.

AP’s pact with naxals can be a grave threat: BJP December 19, 2004

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AP’s pact with naxals can be a grave threat: BJP

PTI

December 15, 2004

New Delhi: The Opposition BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) today (Dec 15, 2004) alleged in Rajya Sabha that Congress has repeatedly compromised with the Left extremism, which can result in grave threat to the internal security situation in the country.

Participating in the resumed debate on internal security situation, BJP’s S S Ahluwalia alleged the Left extremists in India have forged close links with Pakistan’s ISI and terror outfit al-Qaeda and the danger posed by them can be huge.

He said though the Andhra Government has opened negotiations with naxalite groups, the Left extremists have repeatedly said talks can be no solution to their goals.

“Home Ministry officials say the pact Congress (Andhra Pradesh Government) has entered into with PWG (Peoples’ War Group) for talks is most dangerous,” Ahluwalia said.

He said the internal security situation in the country was grave and the Home Minister cannot solve it on his own. “If you like (Home Minister), you can seek the cooperation of the Opposition and form some kind of committee to deal with internal security situation.”

Samajwadi Party’s Abu Azmi drew attention to the threat posed to internal security by communal elements.

AIADMK’s (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) K Malaisamy favoured tough laws to deal with terrorist menace.

N P Durga of TDP (Telugu Desam Party) said the Centre should give one-time grant to States affected by Naxalism so that they can modernise their police force.

Combating Naxal terror: CM Buddhadeb cops get cold feet December 18, 2004

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Saugar Sengupta/ Kolkata

There is a concerted roar from Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee

and State CPI-M Anil Biswas in favour of fighting the Naxal menace

politically. Concurrently there is a mew from the Left Government’s

approved musclemen, the police, in favour of taking on the Red

terror.

Close on the heel of Mr Biswas’ public avowal that the Left would

combat

its extremist doppelganger at the political battle field and through

an effective administrative crackdown, some police officials have

expressed deep anguish at being transferred to the Naxalite-affected

West Midnapore district. Among the bravehearts are three experienced

station house officers from the neighbouring Hooghly district who

have since fallen sick and fallen back on medico-legal provisions.

Even as top police officials including Additional Director General of

Police Ajay Prasad said there was no escaping the procedural nets and

the officials concerned have to accept their assigned jobs, a host of

others maintained the Government in its bid to prove a point or two

to the extremists is being too hard on the officials. The weaponry

provided to the men is outdated and is outclassed by those carried by

the Naxalites, said a senior official. “Repeated pleas for better

equipment have failed to yield results at a time when our men and

informers are being butchered by the Naxalites in the dense jungles

of Midnapore and Purulia.”

According to reports three officers-in-charge – Sankha Biswas of

Chinsurah police station, Samir Ranjan Lala of Bhadreshwar and Arijit

Dasgupta of Dankuni – who have been transferred to West Midnapore

have since proceeded on sick leave and moved the State administrative

tribunal in tandem to resist the “injustice” being done to them by a

section of the CPI-M “as we enjoy the patronage of a second group” of

the same party.

This may not be entirely false but they have to follow the service

norms said a senior official. Mr Lala a senior officer has pleaded

that he is not only very senior approaching retirement hence unfit

for operations in a zone that needs alacrity but he is also suffering

from acute diabetes for which he has to repeatedly visit Kolkata

which is near his current place of posting. “The administration could

have done better by posting younger officers in the area and there

are 20 of them in the district… we have been singled out as a

result of intra-party rivalry,” an officer said.

West Midnapore and neighbouring Purulia have of late seen a focused

attack by the naxalites often sneaking in from the neighbouring

Jharkhand. According to reports 14 police and para-military personnel

have perished this year alone in attacks whereas a number of others

have been injured in stepped up actions by the ultras. Meanwhile,

politburo member Mr Biswas held forth: There was no question of

compromise with the Naxalites who have strengthened the reactionary

forces behind the veneer of Leftist movement.

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