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Maoists shoot at guard in SSC exam hall March 31, 2007

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[ 31 Mar, 2007 0202hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

GUNTUR: Maoists disrupted the SSC examinations on Friday when they attacked a home guard at an examination centre in Prakasam district here. The 100-odd students appearing for the exam fled the scene, but the extremists told them that they would not harm them and that they should write their exam.

The students were later given extra time by the authorities to finish their exam after the Maoists left the scene. The condition of the home guard who was shot at is said to be critical.

According to information reaching here, at least three armed naxals entered the examination hall at Enuguladinnepadu, a remote village in Peddaraveedu mandal, around 11.30 am. They reportedly enquired from the watchman the whereabouts of the armed police. On seeing them, home guard G Raju tried to run away.

Raju escaped the first bullet, ran into a classroom and bolted it from inside. But the Maoists reportedly chased him and after breaking open the door, shot at the home guard on his chest from close range. Raju reportedly received two bullets.

Meanwhile, the terrified students ran away from the examination hall leaving behind their answer sheets. On noticing this, the Maoists reportedly appealed to the students to complete their exam and that they would not be harm them. The three Maoists then fled the scene.

District education officer Anjaneya Sastry discussed the incident with the local officials and directed them to give the students extra time to finish their exam. He said they would seek special permission of the SSC board to allow the students who left the examination in the middle because of the naxal attack to reappear for the exam.

Meanwhile, home guard Raju, who was rushed to the Markapuram government hospital and then to the Government General Hospital (GGH) at Guntur, is said to be battling for his life.

Nandigram can excel Naxalbari’ March 31, 2007

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Founder of the landmark Naxalbari Movement, Kanu Sanyal was born in 1929, at Kurseong in Darjeeling. His father, the late Annada Govinda Sanyal, was a court clerk and posted at Kurseong at the time of his death. The youngest but one among five brothers and a sister, Mr Sanyal went to Kurseong ME School (renamed Pushparani Roy Memorial High School) and became a matriculate in 1946. He did not complete the intermediate course in science at the Jalpaiguri College.

In 1949, Mr Sanyal got recruited at the Kalimpong court as a revenue clerk, only to continue in the service for six months until his transfer to the Siliguri court. He was arrested on the charge of waving a black flag at the then chief minister of Bengal, the late Bidhan Chandra Roy, in Siliguri. The agitation was in protest against the Centre’s ban on the undivided Communist Party of India in 1948.
At the Jalpaiguri Jail, where he was lodged during the brief imprisonment in 1949, Mr Sanyal met his future comrade, the then CPI district secretariat member, the late Charu Majumdar. Immediately after his release, Mr Sanyal joined the CPI, and became a whole-time member the following year. In 1964, when the CPI split on the issue of the Sino-Indian conflict, he sided with the new faction, the CPI-M.
A revolutionary at heart, Mr Sanyal could not concur with the “revisionist” stance of the CPI-M and soon stood out as a prominent activist of the party’s “radical faction”. In 1967, it was Mr Sanyal, who practically led the famous peasants’ uprising at Naxalbari village in West Bengal, leading to the birth of “Naxalism” ~ which till date is the most prominent form of armed Communist struggle in India.
Mao Zedong had largely influenced Mr Sanyal’s political philosophy. In September 1967, he went to China via Kathmandu and met the Chinese Communist leader to brief him on the developments at Naxalbari. In the 59 years of his life as a revolutionary Communist, Mr Sanyal has spent 14 years behind bars. With an ever-deteriorating health, he now leads the CPI-ML as it general secretary. In an interview with BAPPADITYA PAUL, he speaks about the Naxalbari Movement’s relevance in the contest of farmers’ struggles. Excerpts:

Q: As per popular perception, the late Charu Majumdar was instrumental in initiating the Naxalbari Movement and you assisted him as a trusted comrade. How far is this true?
This is a wrong perception. Charu Majumdar was never directly attached to the Naxalbari Movement. When the Naxalbari uprising took place, Charuda was bedridden at his Siliguri home, with a severe heart ailment. I must refer to the difference of opinion we had over how to bring about a Communist revolution by “radical Communists”.
Charuda and his followers believed a revolution can be materialised by raising small groups of armed Communists and killing the individual “class” enemies. He also rubbished the idea of trade union practices. But a majority within the “radical Communists”, including myself, was opposed to such views.
While we, too, believed an armed struggle was inevitable for waging a revolution, we wanted to materialise it by involving the entire working class, especially the peasantry. We never subscribed to the idea of targeting individual “class” enemies and instead, were in favour of marching forward by forceful possession of farmlands owned by zamindars and big landlords.
When the differences with Charuda grew deeper, without any sign of either group budging on its stand, a way had to be worked out. It was agreed that Charuda would experiment with his ideas in the Chathat area (on the outskirts of Siliguri), while we would go ahead with ours, at Naxalbari. The ideas that proved successful would be adopted as an undisputed strategy of the “radical Communists”.
We began work in earnest at Naxalbari and the peasant uprising became a reality in 1967. But Charuda failed to ignite any such movement at Chathat and was summarily proved wrong.

Q: But outside Naxalbari, it was Majumdar’s “individual terrorism” line that was by and large adhered to. Those who spread the Naxalbari Movement elsewhere in the state, took the same to be the true spirit of Naxalbari?
That’s true. It happened primarily because of two reasons. First, as I was enmeshed in the struggle at Naxalbari and underground, I was detached from the outer world. Second, despite his ways being proved wrong, Charuda did not shun his strategy of “individual terrorism” and was always on the lookout to press it into action.
When the news of an armed peasant uprising at Naxalbari spread, “radical Communists” from across the state and from other parts of the country started showing their eagerness to join the fray. As Charuda was based in Siliguri then and was accessible, they looked to him for guidance. Charuda never missed the opportunity to preach his line of “individual terrorism”, labelling it as the spirit of the Naxalbari Movement.
The Press helped spread Charuda’s strategies, by referring to his comments in news coverage published on the Naxalbari uprising at the time. It was also because the Press could hardly access anyone else.

Q: Are you suggesting that in reality, Majumdar hardly played any role in the Naxalbari Movement?
Not exactly. Rather, what I am saying is, his role was limited to providing the philosophical base for the Naxalbari uprising, to a certain extent. But I would reiterate, Charuda was never directly involved in the Naxalbari Movement, nor was he aware of the day-to-day developments taking place in the field of struggle.

Q: Then why is it so that Naxalism, as perceived and practised in several parts of India now, seem to be adhering to the “individual terrorism” strategy, which Majumdar spoke of?
So far as perception is concerned, I think, I have already answered that question. With regard to the preference for “individual terrorism”, I would say, the “romanticism” of an armed revolution is luring “radical Communists” away. Particularly, with arms in hand, youths tend to believe they can bring about a revolution by using bullets alone. But the reality is, they simply can’t. Without a solid mass base, all efforts will be futile.

Q: What is the future of Maoist or Naxalite insurgency, active in many parts of India?
They will vanish with time, unless they strengthen their mass base immediately. I have been to an Andhra Pradesh village where Maoists claim dominance. I was astonished that even with arms in hand, the Maoists could hardly generate confidence among the peasantry to cultivate their own lands.
The peasantry there prefers approaching the police camp, to save themselves both from the Maoists and the forces of the landlords.

Q: Coming to West Bengal, what is your view on the latest industry-agriculture conflict? How do you take the ongoing anti-farmland acquisition movement at Singur and Nandigram? Do you find any similarity with the Naxalbari Movement?
See, there is hardly anyone who doesn’t want industrialisation in Bengal. But the question is for whose benefit it is. The industrialisation policy has been adopted and implemented by the Left Front government solely to benefit the imperialists and so, we oppose it. We say, set up need-based industries, keeping in mind the resources of a particular area and drive it for the general wellbeing of the common man. But the government is ruthlessly adamant on setting up industries by trampling farmlands.
The chief minister is harping on industrialisation and believes that everyone, barring himself, is wrong. But my question is, if Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee wants to rejuvenate the industrial scenario, why doesn’t he first reopen the nearly 56,000 closed industrial units in the state? Why is there no effort to save the tea gardens in the Dooars and the labourers from starvation?
Singur and Nandigram have unmasked the cruel facets of the CPI-M, which fancies itself to be a party of the underprivileged. The movement that has generated out of Singur and Nandigram, if explored properly, can bring about a sea change in West Bengal. So far as the form is concerned, I find a great deal of similarity between Nandigram and the Naxalbari Movement. The ongoing fight in Nandigram, in particular, has the potential to excel the Naxalbari Movement. The only thing needed is a strong, selfless, political leadership to sustain it.

Q: Why single out Nandigram, when the same fight is on at Singur?
Mamata Banerjee has ruined the movement in Singur. By embarking on a hunger-strike, she spoilt the ignition of the Singur farmers.
I am sure the farmers of Singur will never get back their lands and Miss Banerjee is solely responsible for this. Just take a look at the happenings in Singur, as long as the farmers were battling it out themselves, the state government could not erect a fence on the acquired land.
But soon after Miss Banerjee hijacked the movement and started her fast, the focus shifted to Esplanade and fencing work went on in Singur unabated. Whereas in Nandigram, farmers and locals relied on their own strength and even on the face of a persistent joint offensive by the police and CPI-M goons, they have so far managed to resist the imperialist invasion.

Q: But Miss Banerjee is the one considered capable of throwing out the Left Front?
In fact, the Jamait-ul-Ulema-e-Hind leader, Mr Siddiqulla Choudhury, is talking of a grand alliance with the Trinamul and others, to fight the CPI-M?
See, capturing power is one thing and fighting the imperialists is another. For the moment, even if a grand alliance were to pull down the Left Front government, would it make any difference to the poor, the framers? Rather, the alliance would continue in the wake of what the CPI-M-led government is doing now, albeit with a different set of propaganda. I say this because like the CPI-M, the Trinamul, the Jamait and the rest lack the political will to work for the common people. If I am wrong, then let them first make a public declaration what radical changes they would initiate for the benefit of the farmers, if elected to power.

Q: In this context, how do you rate the role of the Left Front allies?

I don’t find their role satisfactory either. If parties like the CPI, RSP and the Forward Bloc are really opposed to the CPI-M’s ruthless industrialisation agenda, why don’t they step out of the Front? I advised some of their leaders to come out of the government, at least that would have created pressure on the CPI-M. But despite continuous humiliation at the hands of the CPI-M, they seem only too eager to continue sharing power.

Q: If we were to leave out the Trinamul, the Jamait and the Left allies, who then would lead the movement forward?

United Naxalites alone can guide the movement on the right path. I urge all Naxalite factions to form a common platform and take the anti-farmland acquisition movement to every corner of the state. Forget about the elections, just make a collective effort to intensify and sustain the struggle generated out of Singur and Nandigram.

(The author is on the staff of The Statesman, Siliguri.

Maoists train guns on big businesses, SEZ sites March 30, 2007

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Gyan Varma
Friday, March 30, 2007 01:18 IST

NEW DELHI: Documents seized recently from Maoist guerrillas show that they had drawn up plans to target top business houses, which have opened shop in states in the so-called red corridor.

The hit list includes the House of Jindal in Andhra Pradesh, Tatas in Chhattisgarh, Essar and POSCO in Orissa, and Reliance and Mittal in Jharkhand. The Maoists also planned to hit new railway lines and amenities set up by state governments.

The documents say the new ventures by industrial houses give the guerrillas an ideal opportunity “to firm up our base and motivate people to act against business houses”.

“They decided to zero in on businesses during the 6th anniversary meet of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army,” said an officer heading anti-Naxalite operations.

Maoists also planned to intensify activity in states that have given land to business houses under SEZ.

Nandigram: Who did it? March 29, 2007

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What happened at Nandigram is outrageous, atrocious. Media being silent on this is issue should have been expected. But why is BJP and it’s PR section not aggresive on this issue??

Consider these (as reported on outlookindia.com):

A CBI source told Outlook the evidence points to the “CPI(M) deploying its musclemen to kill, injure, maim and rape the people of Nandigram”. And apparently, they were supported in their efforts by the state police.

Last week, the CBI (which was handed the case by the Calcutta HC) raided a brick kiln near a spot where the CPI(M) had set up camp in late January. The raid led to the arrest of 10 men who confessed to being activists of the CPI(M) and affiliates like the DYFI. They were found to be in possession of countrymade as well as sophisticated arms, police uniforms and the cellphone numbers of top CPI(M) leaders like health minister Surya Kanta Mishra (who oversees party affairs in East Midnapore district where Nandigram is located) and CPI(M) local MP Lakshman Seth.

An intensive search in Nandigram has yielded live and spent bullets of prohibited bores like .315 and .38—which are not issued to the police. The 10 arrested from the kiln have confessed they were sent by CPI(M) leaders to help launch an assault on activists of the Bhumi Uched Pratirodh Committee (committee to fight land ouster), who are spearheading the protests in Nandigram.

More @

Inspite of these damning reports, why is there no agressiveness from BJP?? Are its hands full just inside UP itself?? doesn’t it have resources?? Only Mr. Balbir K Punj has taken the trouble to write something.

Add to this a piece written by TVR Shenoy on rediff.com where he says, “…..Here, first, is what the chief minister of West Bengal had to say about the genesis of the problem in Nandigram. It was, he said bluntly, the handiwork of Muslim fundamentalists.

You must also know that Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said this not once, but twice. Even more interestingly, on each occasion it was to American listeners. I understand that the first statement came at a meeting with an Indo-American business council. The second, more intriguingly, was to a high official, with links to the US intelligence establishment, who had called on the chief minister.

Can you imagine the furore had a BJP chief minister said anything of the kind? (Actually, can you imagine the howls of outrage had a BJP functionary at any level met an American official?) Yet Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s remarks won little or no attention in a media titillated by Bob Woolmer’s murder…..”
More @ http://www.rediff.com/

I don’t know on whose side Mr.Shenoy talks but what he says needs some attention. Was WB CM Mr. Buddha trying to protect party cadres, MLAs and MPs. Was he forced to do that or did he take the decision by himself? Mamata di should be commended for this. The funny thing is Mr. Prakash Karat has written an article on rediff to defend CPIM. Does Mr. Karat think that all non-commies are dumb idiots and that nobody knows what these commies stand for??

11 hurt in Hindmotor union clash March 29, 2007

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Statesman News Service

KOLKATA, March 28: At least 11 persons including three women were injured in a clash between supporters of Citu and its rival union, Hindmotor Sangrami Yukta Mancha (HMSYM) at the Hindusthan Motors factory near Uttarpara in Hooghly this morning.
The clash ensued after supporters of (HMSYM), who are on an indefinite strike for past two weeks, confronted Citu supporters who tried to enter the plant around 8 a.m. today.
Supporters of both labour unions hurled stones on their rivals injuring eleven. The factory’s security office and the canteen was ransacked by a group of employees.
Senior police officers including additional superintendent of police, (headquarters) Mr Asit Paul and Mr Ajoy Thakur, SDPO, Serampore rushed to the spot with a large police contingent. Police allegedly resorted to lathicharge to disperse the mob. Both labour unions have lodged complaint against each other, but none has been arrested. A police picket has been posted at the site following the clash, police said. The clash, second in last two weeks, lasted for nearly 30 minutes.
Mr Dilip Yadav, a spokesman for HMSYM, said that the strike was called a fortnight ago after management suspended 15 employees for demanding payment of pending dearness allowance and salaries. The Citu leaders opposed the strike and urged employees to join work.
A Citu leader said that employees, willing to work, are not being allowed to enter the factory. They had made it clear that they support the HMSYM’s demand but were against the strike. The state government has already held three meetings with representatives of labour unions and management to address the dispute, but to no avail. Mr Kali Ghosh, secretary of the Citu state committee, alleged that “anti-left forces” including some Naxalite outfits have been trying to create disturbance in the plant. “By resorting to violent campaign, they (HMSYM leaders) are actually strengthening the management and and harming the true causes of the workers,”

Nalgonda : Two Naxals killed in gunbattle March 29, 2007

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Hyderabad, March 29. (PTI): Two naxalites were killed in a gunbattle with the police in Nalgonda district today.

A police party was combing areas near Noothankal when the exchange of fire occurred near Mukundapur village, the police said.

The police were combing the area on a tip-off that some extremists were forcibly collecting money from small-time building contractors.

Naxals loot electronic voting machine March 29, 2007

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Raipur, March 29: Polling for the by-election to the Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha constituency in Chhattisgarh began today amid Naxalites looting an electronic voting machine from a polling booth in the wee hours.

State Election Commission sources said that Naxals, who called for a boycott of the poll, looted the EVM from Hathrel polling booth, about 140 km from here.

The Maoists, who yesterday gave a call to boycott the poll expressing “lack of confidence on the democratic system of the country”, did not harm officials present at the booth, they said.

“However, a fresh EVM has been put on place immediately at the booth and voting started there with out any problem,” they said.

The Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha seat has 1,362 polling booths out of which 233 have high presence of Naxalites.

The voting for the by-poll started at 7.30 a.m. and would continue till 4.30 p.m.

The election was necessitated after BJP MP Pradeep Gandhi lost his Lok Sabha membership after being caught in the cash-for-query scam last year.

Although 15 candidates are trying their luck in the election, the main contest is between Congress MLA Devwrat Singh and Leelaram Bhojwani of the ruling BJP. (Agencies)

Polling begins for Rajnandgaon by-election, Naxals loot EVM
Raipur, March 29 (PTI): Polling for the by-election to Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha constituency in Chhattisgarh began today amid naxals looting an electronic voting machine from a polling booth in the wee hours.

State Election Commission sources said that naxals, who called for a boycott of the poll, looted the EVM from Hathrel polling booth, about 140 km from here.

The Maoists, who yesterday gave a call to boycott the poll expressing “lack of confidence on the democratic system of the country”, did not harm officials present at the booth, they said.

“However, a fresh EVM has been put on place immediately at the booth and voting started there with out any problem,” they said.

The Rajnandgaon Lok Sabha seat has 1362 polling booths out of which 233 have high presence of naxalites.

The voting for the by-poll started at 7.30 am and would continue till 4.30 pm.

The election was necessitated after BJP MP Pradeep Gandhi lost his Lok Sabha membership after being caught in the cash-for-query scam last year.

Although 15 candidates are trying their luck in the election, the main contest is between Congress MLA Devwrat Singh and Leelaram Bhojwani of the ruling BJP.

CM asked to stay in naxal-affected Hebri March 29, 2007

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Thursday March 29 2007 12:07 IST

UDUPI: Udupi district unit of the Karnataka Rakshana Vedike has invited Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy to make a stay in the Naxal-affected Hebri village.

In a press statement released during the protest dharna organised in front of the Hebri Police Station on Wednesday, the Vedike demanded the government appoint a Sub-Inspector for the Hebri Police station, the post of which is vacant since 3-4 months.

They also demanded the government see to it that the newly appointed SI would not leave the station for the reason that the area was naxal- affected.

The state working president of the Vedike, Praveen Kumar Shetty, its Udupi district head J Santhosh and others participated in the dharna

Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families March 29, 2007

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Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

Staff Reporter

Camp houses 1,600 tribal families

Attacks lasted for four consecutive days
Police station targeted

— PHOTO: Ch. Vijaya Bhaskar

IN SELF-DEFENCE: Salwa Judum activists of the tribal settlement at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh undergo training in handling .303 rifles to fight naxalites.

MARAIGUDEM: The raids by the CPI (Maoist) on a police station and adjacent Salwa Judum base camp, housing about 1,600 tribal families, at Maraigudem in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh from March 24 to 27 has caused considerable alarm.

The families were displaced in the wake of confrontation between the extremist group and the State-sponsored Salwa Judum campaign.

The raids were spearheaded by an assault group of 70 naxalites, accompanied by about 1,000 members of the party’s village level “sanghams.”

The naxalites, camping in nearby forests, launched attacks only after nightfall. They hurled petrol and soap bombs and resorted to heavy firing.

It was a nightmarish experience for the inmates of the tribal settlement, which lacks basic amenities. There is no power supply either at the camp or in the police station.

Dantewada Collector K.R. Pisda visited the camp on Tuesday and assured the inmates that all steps to protect their lives. They made a representation him, urging that the camp be shifted either to Gollapali or Konta, division headquarters. Mr. Pisda said their request would be looked into.

The first attack was launched in the early hours of March 24. The Salwa Judum activists responded quickly and retaliated with bows and arrows.

About 60 youths, designated as special police officers and armed with .303 rifles, thwarted the attack. The fierce fighting lasted for about three hours.

A Central Reserve Police Force unit camping in the village and some 30 personnel of the State civil and armed police joined the SPOs in beating back the Maoists. A CRPF officer said the naxalites suffered heavy casualties. Explosives, a .303 rifle and Rs. 27,000 were recovered.

The second night

Maoists laid siege to the village again the next night. There was sporadic firing all through the night, with the naxalites retreating to the forests at 5 a.m.

So was the case on the third and fourth day. No reinforcements could be sent to Maraigudem as the area lacked proper roads.

Some of the panic-stricken camp inmates have started migrating to safer places. The youth, shouldering the task of fortifying the camp, were engaged in the last few days in putting up wooden barricades to block the free passage of intruders.

The Hindu : Front Page : Naxal attacks a nightmarish experience for tribal families

CPI (M)-sponsored Talibanisation of Kerala March 28, 2007

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The writer is a retired IAS officer e-mail the writer at :vsundaram@newstodaynet.com

Kerala has been generally known to be one of the safest states in India in terms of maintenance of law and order, public peace and tranquility and overall communal and social harmony.

This long established pattern and tradition is now undergoing a violent change on account of the lawless anti-national forces being let loose in a deliberate manner by the ruling CPI(M)- led government.

Ambulances with the bodies of victims of the 2003 massacre at Marad.

Crime Survey Statistics clearly indicate that Kerala is witnessing an unprecedented rise in the rates of crime and violence during the last three or four years. Anyone can see that there is a steadily rising upward trend in major categories of crime like rape, armed dacoity, robbery, aggravated assault, larceny, homicide, kidnapping, drug trafficking and contract murder.

What is most disturbing to note is that there is an increasing incidence of politically motivated murder, violent crime and terrorist bombing. Another important point to be noted is that the actual incidence of crime against women and children is higher than the number of recorded crimes reported to the police.

Further there is continued and extended political patronage of the CPI(M) and its allies in the government to black money launderers, illegal drug traffickers, flesh traders and explosive marketers. Drunken and often violent hooliganism has become a standard feature of night life in most towns and cities.

Dr Babu Suseelan rightly concludes: ‘There is a standard black market in Kerala for illegal drugs, illicit liquor, explosives and counterfeit money. Criminal gangs and loan sharks prowl the streets and they settle disputes with violence, kidnapping and murder.’

What has brought about this massive, ugly, and ever-expanding phenomenon of increasing criminalisation? The ruthless process of uncontrolled forces let loose by the domain of globalisation has fundamentally altered and transformed the context in which criminal organisations, mostly from the Middle-East launder money into Kerala. Anyone can see that organised criminal gangs fully backed and financed by Pakistan ISI and smugglers from the Middle-East, illicit money launderers and Jihadis have multiplied their wealth and power in Kerala under the political hegemony and open patronage of the ruling CPI(M), Christian Congress, and the Muslim League.

Justice Thomas P Joseph, who inquired into the killings, on Marad beach.

What is even most disturbing is that more and more Hindu activists belonging to the RSS and the VHP are getting killed by CPI (M) activists almost everyday operating in continuous criminal collusion with Islamic fanatics belonging to different Muslim political outfits.

Murdering and beheading of several innocent Hindus and Hindu activists has become a regular feature in recent years. To cite a few specific instances in this context: On 3 May, 2003, in a coastal area in Calicut city called Marad, a large gang of criminal and fundamentalist Muslim fishermen hacked to death in a brutal manner eight Hindu fishermen.

Around 140 terrorist Muslims were arrested and are undergoing trial. The government of Kerala ordered a judicial enquiry by Thomas P Joseph, District and Sessions Judge in Calicut.

Much to the discomfiture of major political parties in the State, the Joseph Commission, which was set up to inquire into the circumstances that led to the second Marad killings in May 2003, has in a way, turned the spotlight on the facts and circumstances of the 2002 killings. The report emphasises what political Kerala already knew well but has tried to ignore: that the January 2002 incident was the result of ?political interests and other vested interests? that developed following a minor altercation between two men belonging to the different communities, which flared up into a major communal incident resulting in the death of five people, injury to several others and damage to several houses. It says that the delay in filing charge-sheets in that case was subsequently utilised by ‘Muslim fundamentalists, terrorists and other forces’ to capitalise on the grievance of relatives of three Muslims killed and to use it as a cause for vengeance against Hindus of Marad as a whole.

It also says that the inquiry by the State Crime Branch CID (CB-CID) into the May 2003 incident had failed to unravel the ‘larger conspiracy’ and the sources of the large cache of arms and ammunition unearthed subsequently in the area and of the sizable funds used in the planning and execution of the murders.

The commission’s main recommendation, is a further inquiry, involving the Intelligence Bureau (IB), the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) into the ‘larger conspiracy’ involving fundamentalist and other forces, and into the source of the explosives and funds that the CB-CID ‘failed or refused’ to investigate – an act that the commission described as ‘quite suspicious and disturbing.’

It has also indicated the urgent need to inquire into the involvement of Inter-State Muslim terrorist groups and the involvement of foreign terrorist agencies like the ISI.

The panel has concluded, among other things, that the incident was a sequel to the largely politically motivated murder of five persons in the village in January 2002 and a fallout of the then Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government’s ‘unjustified delay’ in the prosecution of those accused of the crime. The whole truth behind the revenge killings at the coastal village of Marad in Kozhikode district in May 2003, the worst communal incident in the recent history of Kerala, is unlikely to be revealed soon, if at all.

The commission report is also critical of the role of the civil administration, the State police and the Crime Branch. It says that despite clear evidence that there was a ‘long-drawn conspiracy’ and that the objective of the assailants was not merely to kill certain persons but ‘to create bigger havoc and ignite large-scale riot’, the CB-CID team stuck to its simple theory of revenge killings.

The question as to whether other forces were involved in the massacre ‘was not even an issue for the Crime Branch team,’ the report says.

The Joseph Commission has also strongly indicted the civil administration for being lethargic and failing to take timely, preventive and remedial action after the 2002 incident even though intelligence reports had indicated that there was the possibility of violence again at Marad and that stockpiling of weapons by both sides was taking place, mostly in Muslim-dominated areas.

The panel has also found evidence of detailed intelligence reports suggesting that efforts of government-initiated peace committees were not yielding the desired results, that fundamentalist elements were active in the area and that the people feared an imminent bout of communal revenge attacks.

It has drawn attention to the report of one of the officers of the State Special Branch that ‘a person nicknamed ‘FM’ (Finance Minister) who came to Kozhikode from the Gulf countries on 2 May, 2003 was the source of the money behind the massacre’, that two Cabinet Ministers of the State had ‘unimaginable connections’ with the ‘FM’.

The CPI- (M) coalition government slept over this recommendation of the District and Sessions Judge for making a reference to the CBI and other Central agencies. I understand that at long last the government of Kerala accepted the recommendation of the District and Sessions Judge Thomas P Joseph and requested the government of India to direct the CBI to enquire into the matter. I now understand that all the Muslim terrorist groups in Kerala have brought political pressure on the UPA government to stall all further action in the matter. It is understood that under pressure from the UPA government, just in order to keep his job at any cost, the Director of the CBI has chosen to ignore the considered recommendation of the Joseph Commission and later duly seconded by the government of Kerala. What does this all mean? In these columns, I have observed several times that the functioning of the CBI during the last two decades has been professionally so disgraceful that it has indeed become a monument of national shame and dishonor. The common man in the street legitimately views the CBI as a Criminal Bureau of Instigation, Criminal Bureau of Intimidation, Criminal Bureau of Insinuation, Criminal Bureau of Infliction, and above all as a Criminal Bureau of Illegal Incarceration.

The whole world knows that it functions as an exclusively elitist executive arm of the Congress Party for settling all its political scores with its political enemies, known and unknown.

To summarise in the words of Dr Babu Suseelan once again: ‘This increased criminal activity in Kerala is based on a continuing symbiotic relationship between criminal gangs, government agencies and politicians. Their ability to bribe and corrupt political leaders, law enforcement agencies and media persons is enormous. Crime syndicates operating in Kerala have established safe heavens in Dubai and Karachi where the governments are hostile to the Indian democratic tradition.’

The tragedy of Kerala today is that, there is always an ever present and ever-growing alliance between criminals, Jihadi terrorists and unscrupulous lawyers, accountants, bankers, income tax and customs officials. The police, the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies are either voluntarily inactive or unable to prevent crime and violence on account of want of political will and courage on the part of the Government. The whole of India and indeed the whole World now knows that all the front rank leaders of the Communist Party of India were secretly in league with the British Government in India during the days of Quit India Movement in 1942 and thereafter till the achievement of our Independence in 1947. Thus they were all guilty of high treason in British India. This subversive, treasonable and anti-nation tradition has not only been maintained but enriched by all the different ‘brands’ of Communist Parties with CPI(M) playing the lead role after Independence. Till 1961, these Parties looked towards Russia and China for treasonable guidance. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, there has been a conceptual confusion in their ranks! This ‘glorious’ tradition of national sabotage and calculated national subversion continues with an unabated vigor in the CPI (M) controlled regimes in Kerala and West Bengal even today!

The ugly phenomenon of overweening all-pervasive corruption in Kerala involves the participation of CPI (M), Muslim League and (and other Muslim Parties), and Sonia Congress politicians at the highest levels including State Ministers, MLAs, the bureaucracy and the Police. The power structure of Kerala has been completely vitiated, corrupted and distorted by the unholy strangle-hold of organized criminal gangs on the daily operations of the Government.

During the last few years, the CPI (M) in Kerala, as a matter of deliberate political policy, has been having direct functional links with different categories of terrorist Muslim groups in Malapuram District and using them as weapons against the Hindu activists belonging to the BJP, RSS and VHP. Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, the State Home Minister is a known Apostle of anti-Hindu ideology and a sworn enemy of all things Hindu. It is well known that his son Bineesh Kodiyeri has been a leading activist in the DYFI and SFI. I informally understand from some of the senior most Police Officers of Kerala that several cases are pending against him. No one can dispute the fact that since he is all the time living with his father as a matter of natural filial right, he has the natural advantage of also enjoying the informal protection of the Government of Kerala and the informal and informed connivance of the State police at the highest level all the time. So much for the decent and impeccable political credentials of Kodiyeri Balakrishnan? indeed a great and noble pseudo-secular son of India in the true Indian Marxist tradition!

Now to come back to the specific functional links between the CPI(M) and other Islamic terrorist groups in Kerala. During the last several months, Tirur and Tanur in Malapuram District have been witnessing frequent clashes involving two groups ever since the killing of an RSS worker, allegedly by NDF men in Tirur. All the peace loving people of Kerala excepting the top most political thugs in the CPI(M) led Government of Kerala know that National Development Front (NDF) is an Islamic terrorist organisation. About ten days ago, some Islamic terrorist came in a luxurious car and savagely attacked a 47 year old man called Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Othukkungal in Malapuram District when he came out of his shop around 6.30 pm. Lakshmanan died without responding to medical treatment after he was rushed to the Kozhikode Medical College Hospital. The police suspect that the attack could have been a sequel to the clash between the RSS workers and the activists of Muslim Outfit, National Development Front (NDF). A dawn-to-dusk hartal called by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in Tanur to protest against the killing of its activist Lakshmanan in the area on March 17, 2007 was total and peaceful.

About a week ago, a National Development Front (NDF) worker called Hameed, son of Valliakanth Ahmed Koya of Karingallathani was attacked by a four member

gang at Chiramangalam near Parappanangudi. He was admitted to a hospital in Kozhikode where he died on account of serious injuries. This attack is believed to be in retaliation for the killing of the Rashtriya Swyamsevak Sangh (RSS) worker Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Oothukkungal in Malapuram District.

Some days ago terrorists / activists of the National Development Front (NDF) attacked the Kottakkal Police Station. To enact the usual and known political drama of the CPI(M) Government, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, the controversial Home Minister of Kerala came out with a hypocritical political statement : ‘The recent attack on the Kottakkal Police Station by National Development Front (NDF) activists was the only such incident after the 1972 naxalite attacks. The Government has therefore viewed it with utmost seriousness’.

The NDF is running an educational center called Green Valley Foundation near Manjeri in Malapuram District. The police picked up 73 students from this foundation recently following the killing of RSS worker Lakshmanan Karooparambil at Oothukkungal. As a balancing act of criminal pseudo-secular politics, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan abused his authority as the Home Minister by informally directing the police to arrest Shri Madavan, District office bearer of the RSS in Malappuram District and Haridass, Taluk Secretary of the RSS. I understand that this is a deliberate and wicked act of Marxist political vendetta against the RSS.

In order to politically atone the ‘unauthorized and uncalled for ‘ (!!) entry of the state police into the sacred premises of the Green Valley Foundation, the instructions were issued from AKG Centre, the Headquarters of the CPI(M) in Trivandrum, to the District Police in Kozhikode to raid the Kozhikode Vibhag RSS Kariyalaya, ‘Madavakripa’. The police raid was conducted about 10 days ago during the night at 12.30 a.m. After a thorough search, the police left the place frustrated and empty handed, much to the chagrin of the mercenary marauders of the CPI(M). On getting the news of this unprovoked nocturnal police raid, one thousand Swayamsevaks, under the leadership of Gopalan Kutty Master of the RSS and Hindu Aikiya Vedi State leader Maradu Suresh organized a protest march next morning to the police commissioner’s office to protest against the Government’s move to destroy communal harmony in the district. It is understood that the raid was conducted on the direction of Pinarayi Vijayan in order to appease the Islamic terrorists and Jehadis in Malapuram District. Pinarayi Vijayan is reported to be functioning in an authoritarian and high handed manner like Sanjay Gandhi during the dark days of emergency in 1975-76. It is an irony in Kerala’s history that the known political criminal comrades of the CPI(M) have indeed become disposable puppets of Jehadis in Malapuram District, in their joint anxiety foist false criminal charges on the RSS, the backbone of Hindus not only in Kerala but in the whole of India.

It is a patent fact that the volunteers of the CPI(M) have been consistently trying to make physical attacks on the Swayamsevaks of the RSS during the last several years and killing many of them in an uncontrolled manner. Most of the Swayamsevaks of the RSS have been targeted and killed by the volunteers of CPI(M) in the last 12 months. To cite one instance of a ghastly incident in this context.

A school teacher by name K.T.Jayakrishnan was murdered by the CPI(M) men in the class room even while he was teaching his students both boys and girls at the Upper Primary School at Mokeri in Kannor District (14 Convicted). Today, the Muslim League is losing its political hold on the Muslims of Kerala. The CPI(M) is trying to occupy the resultant political space and in order to enlarge the sphere of its political influence in Malapuram District, it is acting in league with the Muslim terrorist groups like the NDF to put down the RSS in the area. NDF is now dictating its terms to the CPI(M). Sethumadavan, Kshetra Pracharak of Kerala and Tamil Nadu told me ‘it is a criminal move by CPI(M) Government to purposefully destroy the communal harmony in the district in order to please a few Jihadi elements who want to destroy peace in the district.’